PRESS RELEASE
Freetown, Sierra Leone, 7 March 2007
The body of Sam Hinga Norman was handed over to family members today after being returned to Sierra Leone from Dakar, Senegal.
Mr. Norman’s body was flown by helicopter from Lungi International Airport to the United Nations headquarters in Freetown, arriving just before 1:00 p.m.
In a brief but solemn ceremony, Special Court Registrar Lovemore Munlo, SC and a representative of the family signed a document which formally handed the body over to family members.
Mr. Norman was taken to Dakar last month for a routine medical procedure which is not available in Freetown. The procedure was performed successfully on February 8. On February 22, Mr. Norman collapsed in his hospital room. Doctors attempted unsuccessfully to revive him.
Wednesday, March 7, 2007
IMPUNITY FOR WAR CRIMES AGAINST WOMEN
By Louise Arbour
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
The plight of victims of sexual attacks during conflict has come to the fore once again when last week, the International Criminal Court’s Prosecutor requested summons for two Sudanese connected with atrocities in Darfur. According to the Prosecutor, there is strong evidence pointing to the suspects’ responsibility for mass rape and other war crimes. Previously, the ICC had issued an arrest warrant for the leader of the Lord Resistance Army, a rebel group in Uganda, on the ground of war crimes, including ordering sexual enslavement and rape.
Thus, ICC action is gearing up to bolster the cumulative experience of international justice mechanisms that have brought to light specific types and patterns of sexual crimes targeting mainly women and girls in war torn zones, as well as identified individual responsibilities in their commission. The work of these courts has also highlighted the difficulties in prosecuting perpetrators and countering the culture of impunity that shields their criminal acts. Such impunity, of course, permeates all societies, be they peaceful or at war. Not by coincidence, this year International Women Day is dedicated to combating this pervasive lack of accountability. It is, however, in times of war that the effects and consequences of impunity are at their starkest. This is due both to the widespread, systematic and often sustained nature of sexual attacks and to the number and callousness of perpetrators.
Although at their most brutal in war, sexual abuses against women often stem from longstanding prejudices, a lack of equality and discrimination that had condoned such violence all along. When perpetrators go unpunished, they are emboldened to strike again, perpetuating and encouraging vicious cycles of attack and reprisal even when a country emerges from conflict. Rendering justice to the victims is, therefore, not only a moral imperative, but also a precondition for reconciliation and peace to take hold.
Yet, sexual violence has been traditionally underreported and under-prosecuted. As a result, such crimes have long been considered as regrettable but unavoidable byproducts of armed confrontation. Women as victims or pawns of belligerents could demand no recourse.
Only recently has this powerlessness been addressed, primarily by the groundbreaking work of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The tribunals defined systematic violence against women as crimes for which those responsible could be held accountable, thereby empowering victims to have their day in court. The creation of the International Criminal Court gave an additional boost to such emerging jurisprudence and changing mind set. Its statute stipulates that rape, sexual slavery, enforced sterilization, or any other forms of sexual violence of comparable gravity are considered as war crimes. If these acts are committed as part of widespread or systematic attacks on a civilian population, they constitute crimes against humanity.
It now remains to be seen whether governments will accede to the Court’s requests and surrender the suspects for trial. But if government non-compliance is potentially the main obstacle to the course of international justice, there are other factors that hamper prosecution. Victims of all forms of violence are often reluctant to come forward, in large part because they have little confidence that justice will be done. Although some of the perpetrators may have been apprehended, others, as well as their accomplices, may remain at large and therefore capable of inflicting further harm to victims, witnesses and their families.
The Special Court for Sierra Leone has made strides in addressing such hindrances in the face of a monumental task: as the result of ten years of conflict and the belligerents’ methods of warfare in that country, the brutality of sexual violence was extraordinary, and its victims were to be counted in the thousands. The Court benefited from its proximity to the victims, the parallel work of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and a framework that protected the victims and ensured that their dignity was preserved. The ICC, too, is building on previous experiences and strengthening legal assistance and protection for victims.
Although the mandate and machinery of international courts have become increasingly more sophisticated and far-reaching over the years, gender justice continues to remain the exception rather than the rule. Successfully prosecuted cases represent just the tip of the iceberg. The crux of the matter in combating impunity is the requisite political will to tackle it. Often slow to gear up into motion, such political will needs to be mobilized through domestic and international pressure as well as continuous scrutiny.
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
The plight of victims of sexual attacks during conflict has come to the fore once again when last week, the International Criminal Court’s Prosecutor requested summons for two Sudanese connected with atrocities in Darfur. According to the Prosecutor, there is strong evidence pointing to the suspects’ responsibility for mass rape and other war crimes. Previously, the ICC had issued an arrest warrant for the leader of the Lord Resistance Army, a rebel group in Uganda, on the ground of war crimes, including ordering sexual enslavement and rape.
Thus, ICC action is gearing up to bolster the cumulative experience of international justice mechanisms that have brought to light specific types and patterns of sexual crimes targeting mainly women and girls in war torn zones, as well as identified individual responsibilities in their commission. The work of these courts has also highlighted the difficulties in prosecuting perpetrators and countering the culture of impunity that shields their criminal acts. Such impunity, of course, permeates all societies, be they peaceful or at war. Not by coincidence, this year International Women Day is dedicated to combating this pervasive lack of accountability. It is, however, in times of war that the effects and consequences of impunity are at their starkest. This is due both to the widespread, systematic and often sustained nature of sexual attacks and to the number and callousness of perpetrators.
Although at their most brutal in war, sexual abuses against women often stem from longstanding prejudices, a lack of equality and discrimination that had condoned such violence all along. When perpetrators go unpunished, they are emboldened to strike again, perpetuating and encouraging vicious cycles of attack and reprisal even when a country emerges from conflict. Rendering justice to the victims is, therefore, not only a moral imperative, but also a precondition for reconciliation and peace to take hold.
Yet, sexual violence has been traditionally underreported and under-prosecuted. As a result, such crimes have long been considered as regrettable but unavoidable byproducts of armed confrontation. Women as victims or pawns of belligerents could demand no recourse.
Only recently has this powerlessness been addressed, primarily by the groundbreaking work of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The tribunals defined systematic violence against women as crimes for which those responsible could be held accountable, thereby empowering victims to have their day in court. The creation of the International Criminal Court gave an additional boost to such emerging jurisprudence and changing mind set. Its statute stipulates that rape, sexual slavery, enforced sterilization, or any other forms of sexual violence of comparable gravity are considered as war crimes. If these acts are committed as part of widespread or systematic attacks on a civilian population, they constitute crimes against humanity.
It now remains to be seen whether governments will accede to the Court’s requests and surrender the suspects for trial. But if government non-compliance is potentially the main obstacle to the course of international justice, there are other factors that hamper prosecution. Victims of all forms of violence are often reluctant to come forward, in large part because they have little confidence that justice will be done. Although some of the perpetrators may have been apprehended, others, as well as their accomplices, may remain at large and therefore capable of inflicting further harm to victims, witnesses and their families.
The Special Court for Sierra Leone has made strides in addressing such hindrances in the face of a monumental task: as the result of ten years of conflict and the belligerents’ methods of warfare in that country, the brutality of sexual violence was extraordinary, and its victims were to be counted in the thousands. The Court benefited from its proximity to the victims, the parallel work of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and a framework that protected the victims and ensured that their dignity was preserved. The ICC, too, is building on previous experiences and strengthening legal assistance and protection for victims.
Although the mandate and machinery of international courts have become increasingly more sophisticated and far-reaching over the years, gender justice continues to remain the exception rather than the rule. Successfully prosecuted cases represent just the tip of the iceberg. The crux of the matter in combating impunity is the requisite political will to tackle it. Often slow to gear up into motion, such political will needs to be mobilized through domestic and international pressure as well as continuous scrutiny.
Reporters on the Job: the case of GNN’s Cholo Brooks’ Trip to Guinea
INTO GUINEA: Recently I, (Publisher of the GNN, J. Cholo Brooks) traveled to the Liberian/Guinean border, specifically by way of Ganta, Nimba County, in order see if the situation in Guinea between Trade Union leaders and the government was now over, and also to cover report on the influx of thousands of Liberian refugees who fled that country due the fracas.
The situation at the Liberian/Guinean border was calm and friendly as both Liberian and Guinean securities that were approached by my presence showed the kind of receptiveness, and spoke highly of the cordial relationship between them.
“We are working together to see to it that our borders are well protected. Even though, as you can see hundreds of Liberian refugees have been crossing over from Guinea daily for fear of been trapped in the conflict,” a Liberian Immigration Officer neatly dressed and preferred not to be quoted told me.
As I cross the bridge which bordered Liberia and Guinea, several Liberians mostly middle age women and children were seen making their way back to Liberia, some visibly with sweat could highly speak to me due to their long distance travel.
"They are tired, some of them are afraid of the situation that’s the reason why they are leaving without anything, even food for the little ones to eat they don’t have it,” a Liberian now in the Guinean army, Capt. Lassana Kamara told me in a sample Liberian English.
Capt. Kamara surrounded with few of his colleagues well armed, said his commander who he named as Col. Pierre has just left before my arrival at their guidepost ordered that “Liberians coming from Guinea for Liberia should not be harassed, and if one is caught doing such to these wearied Liberians fleeing trouble will be dealt with,” Capt. Kamara told me.
Such warning from the Guinean securities gave me strength and confidence that my reportorial duty at that moment would be protected during my five hours stay in that part of Guinea. In fact my zeal to travel further beyond that point had grown to a level which took me to another Guinean commercial City of Nzerekor.
As I drove from the border on a motorbike arranged by my Guinean military friend (Capt. Kamara), the only and easier means to travel freely in that part of Africa I was told to display my Press Identification Card (ID) on me for security reason wherever I am interacting with people in the area.
As I drove on the bike exodus of Liberian refugees fleeing from their various camps were seen alone with their children walking; some children as young as 5,7,11 years old were also walking on their bare feet (without any foot ware).
After several hours of rough ride on the bike which was graced with terrible dust from the highway, I finally reached the much talked about Nzerekore commercially jammed parked with both fleeing citizens from other nearby cities, towns and villages and Liberian refugees.
Some residents who spoke to me through an interpreter in this populated Guinean City, said they were all wearied of the Country’s Trade Union strike action, “we are confused of what is obtaining from Conakry, as you can see people from other regions of the country have left and are here for rescue,” Mamade Seila, a petty trader said.
Due to my lack of the French language, I was compelled to haired one interpreter, Jakateh Moussa, 36, who claimed to have lived in Liberia in the early 1990s during the civil war. He was indeed helpful during my six hours stay in that city; gathering pieces of information about Guinean Trade Union strike action which crippled bulk of the country’s commercial activities.
Residents who spoke to me called on their fellow compatriots to press forward their demands to the government, “despite the hardship we’re going through due to the strike action, Conte must give us what we want,” a Guinean shoemaker, only named as Mamus asserted.
Before leaving this Guinean commercial City, my interpreter Moussa, received from me his fees ($US10.00), and promised to contact me at a later date. I drove safely with my chartered Motorbike back at the Liberian/Guinean border and back to Monrovia. This report is the first in the series of the many to come.
The situation at the Liberian/Guinean border was calm and friendly as both Liberian and Guinean securities that were approached by my presence showed the kind of receptiveness, and spoke highly of the cordial relationship between them.
“We are working together to see to it that our borders are well protected. Even though, as you can see hundreds of Liberian refugees have been crossing over from Guinea daily for fear of been trapped in the conflict,” a Liberian Immigration Officer neatly dressed and preferred not to be quoted told me.
As I cross the bridge which bordered Liberia and Guinea, several Liberians mostly middle age women and children were seen making their way back to Liberia, some visibly with sweat could highly speak to me due to their long distance travel.
"They are tired, some of them are afraid of the situation that’s the reason why they are leaving without anything, even food for the little ones to eat they don’t have it,” a Liberian now in the Guinean army, Capt. Lassana Kamara told me in a sample Liberian English.
Capt. Kamara surrounded with few of his colleagues well armed, said his commander who he named as Col. Pierre has just left before my arrival at their guidepost ordered that “Liberians coming from Guinea for Liberia should not be harassed, and if one is caught doing such to these wearied Liberians fleeing trouble will be dealt with,” Capt. Kamara told me.
Such warning from the Guinean securities gave me strength and confidence that my reportorial duty at that moment would be protected during my five hours stay in that part of Guinea. In fact my zeal to travel further beyond that point had grown to a level which took me to another Guinean commercial City of Nzerekor.
As I drove from the border on a motorbike arranged by my Guinean military friend (Capt. Kamara), the only and easier means to travel freely in that part of Africa I was told to display my Press Identification Card (ID) on me for security reason wherever I am interacting with people in the area.
As I drove on the bike exodus of Liberian refugees fleeing from their various camps were seen alone with their children walking; some children as young as 5,7,11 years old were also walking on their bare feet (without any foot ware).
After several hours of rough ride on the bike which was graced with terrible dust from the highway, I finally reached the much talked about Nzerekore commercially jammed parked with both fleeing citizens from other nearby cities, towns and villages and Liberian refugees.
Some residents who spoke to me through an interpreter in this populated Guinean City, said they were all wearied of the Country’s Trade Union strike action, “we are confused of what is obtaining from Conakry, as you can see people from other regions of the country have left and are here for rescue,” Mamade Seila, a petty trader said.
Due to my lack of the French language, I was compelled to haired one interpreter, Jakateh Moussa, 36, who claimed to have lived in Liberia in the early 1990s during the civil war. He was indeed helpful during my six hours stay in that city; gathering pieces of information about Guinean Trade Union strike action which crippled bulk of the country’s commercial activities.
Residents who spoke to me called on their fellow compatriots to press forward their demands to the government, “despite the hardship we’re going through due to the strike action, Conte must give us what we want,” a Guinean shoemaker, only named as Mamus asserted.
Before leaving this Guinean commercial City, my interpreter Moussa, received from me his fees ($US10.00), and promised to contact me at a later date. I drove safely with my chartered Motorbike back at the Liberian/Guinean border and back to Monrovia. This report is the first in the series of the many to come.
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